Caste Census in Inida

Caste Census: The Real Problem Starts Now – A Wall of Social and Divisive Forces Lies Ahead
 

Summary
The slogan “Jiski jitni sankhya bhari, uski utni hissedari” (The larger the number, the bigger the share) may yield a bountiful political harvest in terms of vote banks, but implementing a caste-based census will bring several constitutional and social challenges. Furthermore, divisive forces will gain momentum, potentially depriving India of the demographic dividend in the AI era. 

Expansion 

In 1965, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri coined the immortal slogan “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan” while asking citizens to skip one meal a day to unify the country during the Pakistani invasion. Today, after the Pahalgam attack by Pakistan, political leaders from both ruling and opposition parties are engaged in caste and religion-based vote bank politics. 

In April 2021, the National Commission for Backward Classes recommended that caste data be collected in the upcoming census. However, in July 2021, the central government informed Parliament that it had no intention to conduct a caste-based census. Later, in November 2023, during the “Viksit Bharat Sankalp Yatra” (Developed India Resolve Campaign), Prime Minister Modi mentioned four castes — the poor, women, farmers, and youth. 

During a hearing related to migrant laborers, the Supreme Court bench led by Justice Suryakant expressed concern over the growing number of poor people in India. 

Historical Context 

The British promoted division in India through their policy of “Divide and Rule,” deepening religious and caste-based differences. The 1901 Census recorded 1,646 castes, while the 1931 Census reported 4,147. According to the 1931 data, 52.4% were OBCs, 22.6% SC/ST, 17.6% upper castes, and 16.2% minorities. The Mandal Commission report was based on these outdated figures. As the slogan “Jiski jitni sankhya bhari, uski utni hissedari” proved effective for vote banks, leaders across parties have shown enthusiasm for caste-based census. 

2011 Socio-Economic Caste Survey 

Under the UPA government, a socio-economic caste survey followed the 2011 Census. Reports suggest it recorded over 4.6 million caste entries, making it too complex to publish in full. According to the Rohini Commission report, there are about 2,633 OBCs in the central list and around 3,651 in state lists. 

The central government now aims to conduct a digital census through mobile apps. The 2011 Census involved about 2.5 million government teachers and staff and cost around ₹2,200 crore. By 2019, the estimated cost had risen to ₹8,754 crore, likely even higher today. However, the 2025–26 Union Budget allocated only ₹574 crore for the Census. 

Upcoming Census Challenges 

For the 16th Census, the central government must finalize the list of castes and sub-castes in collaboration with states and add a 20th column to the existing form. Managing divisive elements in opposition-led states to prevent social unrest will be a major challenge. In many states, Muslims benefit from both EWS and OBC reservations, and caste enumeration among Muslims could face legal hurdles. 

Four Major Constitutional Challenges 

1. Delimitation: Legislative seat allocations are based on population. Southern states demand delimitation based on 1971 data, which would require a constitutional amendment. To avoid regional and linguistic disputes, the government is delaying census decisions. Thus, publication of caste data could also be postponed. 

1. Women’s Reservation: The 106th Constitutional Amendment provided one-third reservation for women in legislatures. Justice BV Nagarathna, a Supreme Court judge and likely future Chief Justice, has called for early implementation. If the census is completed by 2026, the 2029 elections may face pressure to enforce this. With caste census in play, there could be a push for caste-based quotas within women’s reservation, prompting further amendments. 

1. Federal Jurisdiction: Census is a central subject under the Seventh Schedule. Only SC/ST data was collected in the 1951 Census. In 1961, states were allowed to conduct OBC surveys. States like Bihar, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka have conducted caste surveys under the guise of social and economic studies without constitutional backing. The central government may need to introduce legal safeguards to prevent such misuse. 

1. Right to Equality: Article 15 prohibits discrimination based on religion, caste, sex, language, and place of birth, with reservations allowed for socially and educationally backward groups. Official recognition of caste-based reservation may violate the fundamental right to equality. The Supreme Court, in the Indra Sawhney judgment, capped reservation at 50%. Publishing caste census data may lead to calls for exceeding this limit, requiring constitutional amendment and likely leading to prolonged litigation. A larger Constitution Bench — possibly bigger than the 9-judge Keshavananda Bharati case — may be needed to resolve it. 

Conclusion 

Will the caste census be implemented administratively before the Bihar elections, or will it be postponed? The politics surrounding caste enumeration could strengthen divisive forces, worsening poverty and inequality, and may prevent India from capitalizing on its demographic dividend in the age of technology and artificial intelligence.